RESEARCH BASED ARTICLES ABOUT GLOBAL IMPACT

RESEARCH BASED ARTICLES ABOUT GLOBAL IMPACT

About 750 Haitian freemen fought alongside colonial troops against the British in the Siege of Savannah on Oct. 9, 1779. The role of Haitian soldiers in the battle had long been ignored, North Miami Mayor Josaphat Celestin said.

The delegations met Friday to establish a monument to be installed in the Battlefield Park Heritage Center, under construction near the Savannah battlesite.

Officials from both cities cemented the relationship that grew over the creation of the monument during a reception in December 2001 at the Museum of Contemporary Art in North Miami. No date has been set for completion of the monument.

Savannah Mayor Floyd Adams Jr. pledged a plot of park land to the South Florida Haitian American Historical Society, which is funding the monument.

“It's one of the most exciting things, to be involved in from the creation to the reality,'' said businessman Richard Shinhoster, who helped push for the monument in Savannah.

“To see a monument in downtown Savannah and the commemoration of the involvement of the Haitian Americans, it's a dream come true. This will help educate Americans but also Haitian youth about the significant contribution their ancestors made.”

UN ESPRIT DESSALINIEN POUR RÉSOUDRE LES CRISES ACTUELLES D´HAITI

Le constat des crises de nature diverse qui boulversent actuellement Haiti: violation du territoire national, corruptions administratives arrogantes, ingérence diplomatique continuelle, parlement décrié et complote avec l´exécutif contre le peuple, scandale économique au sein de la famille présidentielle, dénonciations et accusations de toute sorte et de toute part, révocations abusives, contestations au sein du CSPJ¹, CEP² dans l´impasse, etc., révèle d´une grande préoccupation, de ce fait, une solution s´impose. Ces crises ne datent pas d´hier et leur solution ne se trouve s´inscrire que dans une prise de conscience conduite, animée, transformée et illuminée par l´idéal dessalinien qui s´ancre à un ordre sociologique de l´histoire haitienne. En effet, à l´approche du jour (17 octobre 2012) qui marquera le 206ème anniversaire de l´assassinat, hautement administré, tant à l´échelle nationale qu´internationale, du premier chef d´état de la république d´Haiti, une réflexion se fait extrêmement utile, urgente et importante, non seulement dans l´objectif de mettre en valeur les grands aspects de cet idéal, mais encore toujours dans ce même souci d´élégance, celui d´interpeller la conscience citoyenne de nos frères et soeurs, et de proposer aux dirigeants souvente fois aveugles et sourds, certaines voies de tentatives de solutions dont nécessite Haiti. Cette réflexion s´inscrit, en outre, dans le cadre d´un devoir citoyen pour la nation et pour l´histoire. Ma responsabilité citoyenne ne me permet pas d´afficher une attitude silencieuse et complice, ou encore pir, un comportement de lâche face aux problèmes, d´ailleurs solitionnables, mais cependant souffrant d´une métodologie et d´une épistémologie dont le fondement se trouve dans les racines historiques de cet idéal. Ces racines traduisent les bases constantes, solides et fortes sur lesquelles un pays doit se construire, l´une de ces principales bases est la mémoire historique. Il est impératif de faire ce plaidoyer historique. Pourquoi pas le commencer même après 206 ans de la mort de notre empéreur qui a voulu doter ce pays d´une souveraineté économique et d´une indépendance politique, mais pourtant, il fut lâchement assassiné.

The Enlightenment and Its Effects on the Haitian Revolution of 1789-1804


Grace Coolidge, Ph.D.
Faculty Mentor
Throughout history, revolutions have started because of new ideas that change thinking and disrupt the status quo. The Haitian Revolution
of 1789-1804 is no exception. The Enlightenment ideas of equality for men and representative government were crucial to the insurrection. However, how did Enlightenment philosophy make its way to the Caribbean and influence the people to free themselves from their colonizer, France? One slave in particular was strongly influenced
by Enlightenment ideas: Toussaint L’Ouverture, the leader of the revolution. Ultimately, the Enlightenment inspired
a successful slave revolt in Haiti. While traditional scholarship has depicted the slaves in the revolt as brutes blindly following their cynical leader, in fact L’Ouverture actively used the ideas of European philosophy, which empowered them to become agents.

The Impact of the Haitian Revo­ lution in the Atlantic World

Holt, Thomas C. 1992. The Problem of Freedom: Race, Labor, and Politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832-1938. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press.
Patterson, Orlando. 2005. "The Speech Misheard Round the World".
New York Times. January 22, p. A31.

 

The long Haitian revolution that took place at the end of the eighteenth century and the early years of the nine­
teenth century constituted one of the most important events in the history of the modern world. Nevertheless it suffered from monumental neglect for a very long time. Fortunately the situa­ tion is being slowly reversed and no one has contributed more to restoring the bibliographical visibility and international impor­ tance of the Haitian revolution than David Geggus. Since his first major publication on the revolution in 1982, Geggus has produced a prolific steam of monographs and articles dealing with diverse aspects of the revolution and opening up the field for others. The revolution has recently begun to attract a variety of international scholars partly as a result of the bicentenary of the declaration of Haitian independence in 2004 and partly because of the promi­ nence of Atlantic studies.

Race War and Nation in Caribbean Gran Colombia, Cartagena, 1810–1832

DURING THE AGE OF REVOLUTION, nations in the Americas faced the quandary of how to reconcile slavery and racial discrimination with the enlightened and liberal ide- ology of citizenship. Would slavery be abolished? Would all free men, regardless of race, enjoy the equal rights of citizenship, and if not, how would that exclusion be justified within an ideology that proclaimed the equality and brotherhood of hu- mankind? From 1810 to 1812, patriot movements across Spanish America answered the last question by declaring legal racial equality for all free citizens and construct- ing a nationalist ideology of racial harmony—what contemporary scholars call the myth of racial democracy.1 In Mexico, the rebel leader Miguel Hidalgo proclaimed the end of racial distinctions: “Indians, mulattos or other castes . . . all will be known as Americans.”2 In Venezuela, the 1811 constitution decreed the derogation of “all the ancient laws that degraded the segment of the free population of Venezuela heretofore known as pardos [free blacks and mulattos] . . . [and] restored all the inalienable rights that are accorded to them as to any other citizens.”3 Farther south, the revolutionary junta in Buenos Aires repudiated colonial caste laws and con- demned the “prejudices responsible for the degradation to which the accidental dif- ference of color condemned until now a part of our population as numerous as it is capable of any great enterprise.”4 By the time the wars of independence ended in
1824, the constitutions of all the nations in Spanish America granted legal racial.

Paper Thin: Freedom and Re-enslavement in the Diaspora of the Haitian Revolution

There is not a single person in the world who does not know that a ship sailing through the sea leaves


Rebecca J. Scott is the Charles Gibson Distinguished University Professor of History and Professor of Law at the University of Michigan. She is the author of Degrees of Freedom: Louisiana and Cuba after Slavery (Harvard University Press,
2005) and co-author with Jean M. Hébrard of Freedom Papers: An Atlantic Odyssey in
the Age of Emancipation (forthcoming, Harvard University Press, 2012). She thanks Aharon Barak, Susanna Blumenthal, Richard Brooks, Sidney Chalhoub, Natalie Zemon Davis, Lo Faber, Ada Ferrer, Paul Finkelman, Allison Gorsuch, Malick Ghachem, Tom Green, Ariela Gross, Hendrik Hartog, Scott Hershovitz, Walter Johnson, Martha S. Jones, Alexandre Kedar, James Krier, Paul Lachance, Silvia Lara, Douglas Laycock, Christopher McCrudden, Julian Davis Mortenson, Kristin Mann, Graham Nessler, William Novak, Vernon Palmer, Sallyanne Payton, Bianca Premo, Richard Primus, Donald Regan, João Reis, Scott Shapiro, Jed Shugerman, Norman W. Spaulding, Eric Stein, Joseph Vining, James Whitman, John Witt, and other colleagues and students who have offered obser- vations and suggestions on various versions of this story. The larger project on enslavement of which this essay is a part also owes a great deal to discussions with Jean Allain, Kenneth Aslakson, Sueann Caulfield, Alejandro de la Fuente, Laurent Dubois, Hussein Fancy, Jean M. Hébrard, Marial Iglesias, Beatriz Mamigonian, Edgardo Pérez Morales, Lawrence Powell, Peter Railton, Thomas Scott-Railton, Eric Stein, Mark Tushnet, Cécile Vidal, and Rudolph Ware. Irene Wainwright and Greg Osborn of the Louisiana Division, New Orleans Public Library, were generous with their time and assistance in the search for records, as were Emilie Gagnet Leumas of the Archives of the Archdiocese of New Orleans and Florence Jumonville, Chair of the Louisiana and Special Collections Department, Earl K. Long Library, University of New Orleans. The staffs of the University of Michigan Law Library, the National Humanities Center, and the New Orleans Notarial Archives Research Center were also very helpful. Financial support for research was provided by the Law School and the College of Literature, Science and the Arts of the University of Michigan, and by the grant of a Fellows’ Fellowship at the National Humanities Center.

''THEY ARE VERY MUCH INTERESTED IN OBTAINING AN UNLIMITED SLAVERY'': RETHINKING THE EXPANSION OF SLAVERY IN THE LOUISIANA PURCHASE TERRITORIES, 1803-1805

By late 1804, discontent  with the United States government  was growing among the white inhabitants of the newly acquired Louisiana Purchase territories.  That fall, "the representatives  elected by the freemen of their respective  districts"  in Upper Louisiana  met in St. Louis to protest their new territorial government: or, as they deemed it, the "entire privation of some of the dearest rights enjoyed by freemen!" The "freemen" especially feared that the United States might deprive them of their right to buy and hold slaves. They had good reason to worry. The host of restrictions Con­ gress placed on Louisiana slavery seemed "calculated  to abolish slavery at a future day altogether."'

Haitian Immigration : Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries

Overview

The long, interwoven history of Haiti and the United States began on the last day of 1698, when French explorer Sieur d'Iberville set out from the island of Saint Domingue (present-day Haiti) to establish a settlement at Biloxi, on the Gulf Coast of France's Louisiana possession.

For most of the eighteenth century, however, only a few black migrants settled there. But between the 1790s and 1809, large numbers of Haitians of African descent migrated to Louisiana. By 1791 the Haitian Revolution was under way. It would continue for thirteen years, result in the independence of the first black republic in the Western Hemisphere, and reverberate throughout the Atlantic world. Its impact would be particularly felt in Louisiana, the destination of thousands of refugees from the island's turmoil. Their activism had profound repercussions on the politics, the culture, the religion, and the racial climate of the state.

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Funded by W.K. Kellogg Foundation